Indian Foreign Policy (2015–2025): India’s Rise as a Global Leader

1. India’s Foreign Policy

Indian foreign policy from 2015 to 2025 has seen a remarkable transformation, elevating the country’s stature on the world stage. Backed by a growing economy and proactive leadership, New Delhi has projected an ambition to be a leading power globally. In this decade, India engaged deeply with major powers and forged strategic alliances while maintaining its traditional principle of “strategic autonomy.” Through energetic diplomacy, defense and economic partnerships, and a strong presence in multilateral forums, India has positioned itself as a key player in global affairs.

This article examines India’s evolving foreign policy vis-à-vis the United States, China, Russia, the European Union, and other significant regional players, and how these engagements have underscored India’s emergence as a global leader.

2. Deepening Ties with the United States

One of the most significant shifts in Indian foreign policy has been the strengthening of the India–U.S. partnership. What was once a cautious relationship has, by 2025, transformed into a close strategic bond. A landmark moment came in 2016 when the United States designated India as a “Major Defense Partner,” elevating defense cooperation to a level commensurate with Washington’s closest allies.

This was followed in 2018 by the U.S. granting India Strategic Trade Authorization (STA-1) status, allowing New Delhi license-free access to a wide range of advanced military and dual-use technologies.

These steps, alongside a framework defense agreement renewed for ten years in 2015, paved the way for unprecedented defense trade and interoperability. Indeed, bilateral defense trade expanded from near zero in 2008 to over $20 billion by 2020, including India’s purchase of U.S. aircraft, helicopters, and other military hardware.

Parallel to defense ties, diplomatic and economic relations with the U.S. also flourished. India and the U.S. began holding annual high-level dialogues (including a “2+2” dialogue of foreign and defense ministers) and coordinated on Indo-Pacific strategy. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) – involving the U.S., India, Japan, and Australia – emerged as a key platform under the Trump and Biden administrations for aligning strategies in the Indo-Pacific.

By 2021, the Quad convened its first leaders’ summit, signaling a “potential paradigm shift” toward a results-oriented security framework. The four democracies emphasized a free and open Indo-Pacific “undaunted by coercion,” implicitly countering aggressive moves in the region. Practical cooperation followed, ranging from joint naval exercises (such as Malabar, now including all Quad members) to collaborative efforts on vaccine delivery and critical technologies.

Economically, the United States became India’s largest trading partner during this period. Bilateral trade in goods and services reached record highs, reflecting deepening interdependence. In the fiscal year 2022–23, India-U.S. trade climbed to about $128.5 billion, up from $80.5 billion in 2020–21. The U.S. now accounts for the biggest share of India’s exports, and India enjoys a healthy trade surplus with the U.S. (around $28 billion in 2022–23).

This growth was driven by sectors like technology, pharmaceuticals, energy, and defense, and was bolstered by initiatives such as the U.S.-India Strategic Energy Partnership and negotiations to facilitate investments. Both sides have also discussed a possible free trade agreement, though progress remains gradual. Still, the robust economic figures underscore that New Delhi and Washington are “further strengthening economic ties,” with India emerging as a trusted trading partner as global companies diversify supply chains away from China.

Diplomatically, India’s outreach in Washington saw unprecedented highs. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi developed strong relations across U.S. administrations – from the final years of President Obama (who in 2016 endorsed India as a “Major Defense Partner”) through President Trump’s tenure (marked by Trump’s 2020 visit to India and a lavish welcome in Ahmedabad) and into the Biden era, where India is seen as pivotal to U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy.

By 2023, during Modi’s state visit to the White House, the two countries announced major initiatives on defense technology sharing (e.g. co-production of jet engines) and critical technologies, reflecting a new level of trust. The relationship now encompasses cooperation in cybersecurity, space exploration, climate action, and health security, truly representing what both often call a “Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership.” As India and the U.S. engage each other more than ever before, India has gained a powerful strategic partner in its rise as a global player.

3. Managing the China Challenge: Competition and Cooperation

Indian foreign policy with China from 2015 to 2025 have been complex, characterized by deep economic links and engagement on global issues, but also by strategic competition and border conflicts. Early in this period, there were optimistic overtures – President Xi Jinping and PM Modi held summits aimed at enhancing economic cooperation and trust. However, underlying tensions never disappeared, and by the mid-2010s, rivalry began to dominate the relationship.

A major flashpoint came in 2017 during the Doklam standoff, when Indian and Chinese troops faced off for 72–73 days on the Doklam plateau near the Bhutan-China-India tri-junction. The confrontation, triggered by China’s attempt to extend a road into territory claimed by Bhutan, was the most serious in decades and brought relations to a new low. It ended with both sides agreeing to pull back – essentially, China halted its construction after India’s firm response.

The crisis underscored India’s resolve to check unilateral Chinese actions in its neighborhood and highlighted the broader strategic distrust between the two Asian giants.

In the wake of Doklam, India and China sought to “reset” their relationship. In 2018, Modi and Xi held an informal summit in Wuhan, China – a first-of-its-kind dialogue without aides – which was aimed at strategic communication to “repair” ties.

The Wuhan summit, followed by a second informal meeting at Mahabalipuram (India) in 2019, helped stabilize relations temporarily. High-level engagements increased, and China acknowledged that “sound development” of India-China relations suits both nations’ interests.

During this period, China agreed to modest steps like reducing trade imbalances (e.g. promising to import more Indian rice and pharmaceuticals), and both sides maintained cooperation in multilateral forums (such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation). Yet, these conciliatory moves could not resolve fundamental disputes.

The most dramatic downturn came in 2020 with a deadly clash in the Galwan Valley of Ladakh. In June 2020, amid multiple Chinese incursions across the Line of Actual Control (LAC), Indian and Chinese troops engaged in brutal hand-to-hand combat in Galwan, resulting in the first combat fatalities on the India-China border since 1975.

This clash profoundly shocked the relationship. It led to a massive military buildup on both sides of the LAC, as India and China deployed tens of thousands of troops and heavy weaponry to the high-altitude frontiers. Over the next several years, numerous rounds of military and diplomatic talks were held to defuse the standoff. By late 2024, the two sides had negotiated disengagement at most friction points, though trust remained at rock-bottom.

The Galwan incident had wide repercussions. Strategically, India grew warier of China’s intentions and bolstered its partnerships with like-minded countries (such as the U.S., Japan, Australia – via the Quad – and European powers) to balance China’s influence. Economically, India took retaliatory measures by banning hundreds of Chinese mobile apps and tightening investment scrutiny on Chinese firms.

Projects involving Chinese companies in sectors like telecom were curtailed in the name of security. India’s public opinion also swung strongly against China. Nonetheless, bilateral trade with China paradoxically hit record levels in subsequent years – China remained one of India’s top trading partners, with two-way trade exceeding $100 billion by 2021.

In 2022–23, despite political tensions, India-China trade was about $114 billion, though heavily in China’s favor (India’s imports from China were nearly six times its exports). This enormous trade deficit (over $80 billion) has reinforced India’s drive for self-reliance in critical sectors and diversification of supply chains.

Multiple structural issues continue to strain India-China relations. China’s expansive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), particularly the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor that runs through Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, is seen by India as infringing on its sovereignty. China, for its part, objects to India’s infrastructure buildup along the border. Beijing also has opposed India’s membership bids in global regimes (blocking India’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group and, until 2019, vetoing UN sanctions on a Pakistan-based terrorist leader).

These actions widened the rift between the two countries. In response, India aligned more openly with concepts like a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” and deepened defense cooperation with the U.S., Japan, and Australia, implicitly to counterbalance China.

Despite the frictions, India has not shied from engaging China where interests converge. Both nations work together in groupings like BRICS (Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa) – which by 2023 even agreed to expansion, inviting new members and championing the “Global South” – and in the SCO.

They also share concerns on issues like climate change (where India and China both emphasize equity for developing nations). India’s stance towards China in this decade can be summed up as competitive coexistence: pushing back firmly against threats to its security and sovereignty, while still pursuing diplomacy and cooperation in areas of mutual benefit. How this delicate balance plays out will remain a central question for Asian geopolitics beyond 2025.

4. Enduring Partnership with Russia

India’s post-2015 foreign policy has maintained a strong continuity in its bond with Russia, even as the global landscape shifted. Russia (and previously the Soviet Union) has been a steadfast partner of India for decades – a relationship often termed a cornerstone of India’s strategic autonomy. From 2015 to 2025, India-Russia ties remained robust in defense, energy, and multilateral diplomacy, though not without new challenges.

Defense cooperation is the bedrock of the relationship. Russia has long been the principal supplier of arms to India, and even by the mid-2020s, over 50% of India’s in-service military platforms are of Russian origin.

During this period, India continued to procure advanced weapons from Moscow, the most notable being the S-400 Triumf air defense system. In 2018, India signed a $5.4 billion deal for five S-400 units, defying the threat of U.S. sanctions under CAATSA – a testament to India’s insistence on independent defense choices. Deliveries of the S-400 began in 2021, significantly bolstering India’s air defense shield.

Additionally, joint projects like the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile (co-developed and now exported to third countries) and licensed production of Russian arms in India (from Kalashnikov rifles to frigates) continued, aligning with India’s “Make in India” push.

In 2021, India and Russia instituted a “2+2” ministerial dialogue (foreign and defense ministers), signaling that even as New Delhi held similar dialogs with Western partners, Moscow remained in the strategic fold. Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar even described the India-Russia relationship as “the one constant in global politics over the last half century.”

Energy and economic ties also grew in unconventional ways. Traditionally, Russia was not among India’s top trade partners, but the dynamic changed after 2022. Following the Ukraine crisis and Western sanctions on Russia, India ramped up imports of discounted Russian crude oil. Russian oil, which constituted less than 2% of India’s import basket before 2022, surged to over 40% of India’s oil imports by mid-2024.

This dramatic increase made Russia the largest supplier of oil to India, saving billions in import costs and underscoring India’s pragmatic approach to secure its energy needs. Besides oil, India also imported more Russian coal and fertilizers, capitalizing on favorable prices. The two countries have discussed trade settlement in local currencies (rupee-ruble) to bypass sanctions-related hurdles, reflecting an effort to build alternative financial links.

Apart from hydrocarbons, civil nuclear energy is another key area: Russia has been involved in expanding India’s nuclear power infrastructure. In fact, in February 2024, India and Russia agreed to build six more nuclear reactors in Kudankulam, Tamil Nadu, where Russia had already helped construct reactors.

Such cooperation showcases the long-term, strategic nature of the partnership beyond defense. Space is yet another frontier – Russia assisted in the training of Indian astronauts for India’s upcoming Gaganyaan crewed space mission, symbolizing trust in high-technology collaboration.

Diplomatically, India and Russia maintained frequent high-level interactions, including annual bilateral summits. They often shared similar views on preserving a multipolar world order and respect for sovereignty. However, the biggest stress-test of the friendship came with the Russia-Ukraine war (2022). India took a neutral stance on the conflict: it consistently abstained on UN votes condemning Russia, calling instead for dialogue and peace.

Under pressure from Western nations to take a harder line, India held its ground, emphasizing that it would not choose sides. At the same time, Modi’s statement to President Putin that “today’s era is not of war” gained global attention as an appeal for ending the conflict. India’s nuanced position – not overtly criticizing Russia, while advocating respect for territorial integrity in general terms – exemplified its strategic autonomy.

New Delhi also became a crucial voice for the Global South, arguing that the war’s economic fallout (food, fuel, fertilizer price spikes) harms developing nations and must be addressed. This balancing act allowed India to preserve its Russian ties even as it deepened relations with the U.S. and Europe.

In forums like BRICS and the SCO, India worked alongside Russia on agendas such as development finance, counter-terrorism, and connectivity in Eurasia. Both countries supported a “fair, inclusive” world order and discussed alternatives to Western-led institutions. Yet, India is mindful of Russia’s growing closeness to China, and Russia has noted India’s U.S. ties – potential fault lines to navigate carefully.

Going into 2025, India-Russia ties remain strong but will require deft management as global geopolitics evolve. For India, Russia continues to be an indispensable partner for strategic military needs and a key player in shaping a multipolar Asia, reinforcing India’s great-power ambitions.

5. Strengthening Engagement with Europe and Other Partners

Beyond the U.S., China, and Russia, India significantly expanded its diplomacy with the European Union (EU) and other key regional players between 2015 and 2025. Europe became an increasingly important arena for India’s economic and strategic outreach, as India positioned itself as a swing power in a fractured world.

With the EU, India revitalized a relationship that had seen periods of drift. The EU is India’s largest regional trading partner, and both sides have long recognized the potential of closer ties. In May 2021, at a virtual India-EU summit (the first to involve all EU leaders and the Indian PM), a breakthrough was achieved: India and the EU agreed to resume negotiations on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) that had been suspended since 2013.

They also launched talks on investment protection and geographical indications agreements. This decision was driven partly by shared concerns about China’s rise, which have drawn Brussels and New Delhi closer. As “the world’s two largest democracies,” the EU and India emphasized their common interest in security, prosperity and sustainable development in a multi-polar world.

A Connectivity Partnership was also unveiled in 2021, aligning with Europe’s Global Gateway initiative to jointly fund infrastructure and digital projects in third countries – a clear counterpoint to China’s BRI.

High-level visits became frequent: Indian leaders engaged with key European powers like France, Germany, and Britain. France in particular emerged as a pivotal defense partner – India’s purchase of 36 Rafale fighter jets from France (agreement finalized in 2016, jets delivered by 2022) marked a significant upgrade of its air force, and the two nations collaborated on naval exercises and nuclear energy.

With Britain, India launched FTA negotiations after Brexit, aiming to leverage new opportunities, and with Germany, India held inter-governmental consultations focusing on green technology and skill development. The EU and India also found common cause on climate change (both support the Paris Agreement goals) and global health, especially during COVID-19 where Europe and India partnered on vaccine supply chains. By 2025, India-EU relations are on an upswing, underpinned by greater alignment on Indo-Pacific stability and resilient supply chains.

Meanwhile, India deepened ties with key regional players across Asia and beyond:

Japan has become one of India’s closest strategic partners. The two countries have a “Special Strategic and Global Partnership,” emphasizing a shared vision for peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. Since 2015, this partnership translated into major investments (Japan is funding India’s first high-speed rail “bullet train” project between Mumbai and Ahmedabad) and greater defense coordination.

Japan joined the Malabar naval exercise permanently, and in 2020 India and Japan signed an Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement to facilitate military logistics cooperation. Regular summits (Modi and the late PM Shinzo Abe met frequently) cemented personal rapport. Both nations are wary of aggressive Chinese postures and thus coordinate closely on regional security – evident in their support for the Quad and initiatives like the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor for development in Africa.

Japan also strongly backs India’s bid for UNSC permanent membership and has co-invested in India’s infrastructure and northeast connectivity projects. This robust relationship underscores India’s growing role in East Asia’s strategic calculus.

Australia went from a peripheral partner to a core ally of India in this decade. Relations bloomed with Australia’s inclusion in the Quad and a conscious effort by both to augment ties. In 2020, during a virtual summit, India-Australia ties were elevated to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, with annual leaders’ meetings agreed upon. New pacts on maritime cooperation, defense science, and cybersecurity were signed.

The two countries, once divided by Cold War geopolitics, found common ground in their democratic values and interest in counterbalancing regional threats. They also concluded the Australia-India Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (ECTA) in 2022 – an interim free trade deal that removed tariffs on a vast majority of goods and is seen as a step toward a fuller Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement.

With this, Australia became a key supplier of critical minerals and energy to India, while India’s services and pharmaceutical exports gained better access to Australia. Enhanced military exchanges (Australia now regularly participates in India-led exercises and vice versa) and a shared Indo-Pacific strategic outlook have firmly set India-Australia relations on a positive trajectory.

In the Middle East (West Asia), India undertook a dramatic diplomatic upswing. Recognizing the Gulf’s importance to its energy security and the well-being of millions of Indian expatriate workers, India pursued a “Link West” strategy alongside its traditional “Look East” policy.

The UAE and Saudi Arabia, in particular, emerged as strategic partners. In 2015, Modi broke a 34-year hiatus with a historic visit to the UAE, resetting ties. Thereafter, India-UAE relations soared – culminating in 2022 with the signing of a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) after just 88 days of negotiation.

The CEPA with the UAE (operational from May 2022) slashed tariffs and aims to lift bilateral trade well beyond the current $85 billion. The UAE also became a major investor in India (from ports and infrastructure to tech startups) and cooperates on energy (including renewables) and defense.

Similarly, with Saudi Arabia, India built a Strategic Partnership Council in 2019 to institutionalize cooperation. By 2023, Saudi-India trade had swelled (over $52 billion in 2022–23) and Saudi Aramco was eyeing investments in India’s petroleum sector. High-level visits – such as Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s state visit and PM Modi’s trips to Riyadh – underscored growing trust.

India secured long-term oil supplies and also invited Saudi participation in its strategic oil reserves and defense manufacturing. Counter-terrorism collaboration with Gulf states improved markedly, reflecting converging security concerns. Notably, India managed a diplomatic tightrope by simultaneously deepening ties with Israel (another key regional partner for defense technology and agriculture innovations) after 2015, without alienating its Arab friends.

By leveraging its pluralistic diplomacy, India today enjoys strong relations across the Middle East’s divides – a significant asset for a rising global power.

In its immediate South Asian neighborhood, India pursued a “Neighbourhood First” policy – providing economic aid, preferential market access, and connectivity projects to countries like Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. While these efforts had mixed success (and China’s influence in some neighbors grew), India remained the first responder in regional crises, such as disaster relief and humanitarian assistance.

A standout example was Operation Maitri in 2015 for Nepal earthquake relief and later, India’s COVID-19 “Vaccine Maitri” initiative in 2021 supplying vaccines to neighbors and developing countries. India’s leadership in the Indian Ocean was articulated through the concept of SAGAR (“Security and Growth for All in the Region”), which guided naval outreach and capacity-building for littoral states. Though the neighborhood has its own complexities, India’s active engagement has solidified its role as the net security provider and economic hub in South Asia.

Through these multi-faceted regional partnerships – from East Asia to the Middle East and Africa (where India expanded training programs and peacekeeping engagements) – India has expanded its diplomatic footprint. The breadth of India’s partnerships reflects its ability to work with diverse poles of power, enhancing its global leadership profile while avoiding entanglement in any single alliance bloc.

6. Leadership in Multilateral Forums

India’s emergence as a global leader is perhaps most visible in its assertive participation in multilateral institutions and coalitions. Between 2015 and 2025, India leveraged forums like the United Nations, G20, BRICS, and SCO to amplify its voice on global governance issues and often acted as a bridge between the global North and South.

At the United Nations, India campaigned vigorously for reform of the UN Security Council to make it more representative, including a permanent seat for itself. Although UNSC reform remained elusive, India did serve as a non-permanent member of the Council for 2021–22, where it took principled stands on issues like terrorism (pushing for accountability for states sponsoring terror) and peacekeeping reforms.

Indian peacekeepers continued to be among the largest contingents in UN missions, bolstering India’s reputation as a contributor to global peace. India also became a leading voice for the developing world’s concerns at the UN – whether on equitable access to vaccines during the pandemic or sustainable development financing.

India’s proactive diplomacy truly shone during its presidency of the G20 in 2023. Assuming the G20 helm at a challenging time (amid war in Ukraine, global economic strain, and climate crises), India adopted an inclusive agenda under the theme “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” (One Earth, One Family, One Future). It championed issues of the Global South, hosting a special Voice of the Global South Summit to channel developing countries’ inputs into G20 discussions.

India’s presidency scored a major success by achieving consensus on the G20 Leaders’ Declaration in New Delhi (September 2023) – a feat many had doubted due to geopolitical schisms. Under India’s deft negotiation, the G20 for the first time admitted the African Union as a permanent member, a historic step towards inclusivity

The Delhi Declaration also launched initiatives on debt relief for poorer nations, global food security, and reform of multilateral development banks – aligning with India’s priority to make the international economic order more equitable.

Furthermore, India used the G20 to showcase its digital innovations and to secure agreement on climate action and energy transitions, balancing differing viewpoints. The successful G20 summit in New Delhi burnished India’s credentials as an effective convener and problem-solver in multilateral diplomacy.

In groupings of emerging economies like BRICS, India played a nuanced role. It contributed to institution-building – such as the New Development Bank (NDB) and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement which were operationalized in the mid-2010s – offering developing countries alternative sources of finance.

India hosted the BRICS Summit in 2016 (Goa) and emphasized themes like counter-terrorism and digital economy cooperation. As BRICS debated expansion, India cautiously supported a controlled enlargement. In 2023, BRICS invited six new members (including Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, Argentina, Iran, Ethiopia) in a bid to increase its global clout.

India agreed to the expansion, seeing value in BRICS as a platform for South-South cooperation and as a forum where it can engage China and Russia in a less Western-centric setting. However, India also ensured that BRICS does not turn explicitly anti-West – aligning with its philosophy of multi-alignment.

This balancing within BRICS – between nations positioning it as a “counterweight to the West” and those like India that maintain strong Western ties – illustrates India’s pragmatic approach.

Within the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), which India joined as a full member in 2017, India brought its counter-terrorism expertise and advocated connectivity that respects sovereignty. Despite the SCO being led by China and Russia and including Pakistan, India has used its membership to engage Central Asian republics and push back subtly against the narrative of any one power dominating Asia.

In 2023, India hosted the SCO summit (virtually), where it highlighted issues like terror financing and humanitarian aid for Afghanistan. Through the SCO’s Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure, India has sought greater cooperation against terror networks, often diplomatically cornering Pakistan on that issue even in a forum where both are present.

India has also been active in newer coalitions and initiatives: for instance, it joined forums like the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) (as discussed), the I2U2 grouping (comprising India, Israel, the UAE, and the U.S., focusing on West Asian cooperation in areas like food and energy), and the Indo-Pacific Ocean’s Initiative launched in 2019 to promote marine public goods.

India became a founding member of the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) in 2019 – a global partnership to promote resilient infrastructure (with members including major Western and developing countries). All these reflect India’s agile coalition-building to address specific challenges.

Across these multilateral engagements, a recurring theme is India’s positioning as a voice of moderation and inclusivity. Whether chairing an international meet or contributing as a member, India often emphasizes respect for international law, sovereignty, dialogue, and the welfare of developing nations. This constructive approach has earned it goodwill and greater influence.

By 2025, India is seen not only as a regional power but as an emerging “lynchpin” in global governance – one that can engage all major powers, champion the causes of the Global South, and help craft compromises in a divided international system. This stature is a defining feature of India’s foreign policy journey in the decade.

7. Championing Global Causes: Climate and Digital Governance

India’s evolving foreign policy has not been limited to power politics and alliances; it also increasingly encompasses global challenges like climate change, sustainable development, and digital governance. From 2015 to 2025, India took on leadership roles in these domains, enhancing its image as a responsible global stakeholder.

Climate Change: India has moved from being seen as a reluctant player to a proactive leader in climate action, all while balancing its development needs. A pivotal moment was the 2015 Paris Climate Conference (COP21), where India played a key role in forging the Paris Agreement. On the sidelines of COP21, India, in partnership with France, launched the International Solar Alliance (ISA) – a coalition of over 120 sunshine-rich countries aimed at scaling up solar energy globally.

This initiative, conceived by Mr. Modi, was a bold demonstration of India’s leadership in renewable energy. The ISA’s goal is to mobilize billions of dollars for solar projects and to bring affordable solar power to developing countries. India offered to host the ISA headquarters and provide assistance, underlining its commitment to clean energy. The image below shows world leaders, including India’s Prime Minister, at the launch of the ISA during COP21.

In subsequent years, India set ambitious domestic targets: 175 GW of renewable energy capacity by 2022 (which it nearly achieved) and 500 GW by 2030. It exceeded many interim renewable goals, demonstrating that climate action and economic growth can go hand in hand.

At COP26 in Glasgow (2021), PM Modi announced a surprise commitment that India will reach net-zero carbon emissions by 2070, along with interim goals (the “Panchamrit”): including 50% of energy from renewables by 2030 and a significant reduction in emissions intensity.

While 2070 is decades away, India’s pledge – especially as a developing country – was lauded as a constructive step in narrowing the global ambition gap. India also continually emphasizes equity and common-but-differentiated responsibilities, insisting that developed nations must do more and provide finance/technology to developing ones. This stance positions India as a champion of developing world interests in climate negotiations.

Beyond policy pledges, India walked the talk on global climate leadership through initiatives like the ISA and the CDRI (focused on adapting infrastructure to withstand climate disasters). India has been a leading voice on phasing down inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and spearheaded efforts in the International Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (launched in 2019) to help countries build back better after disasters.

Moreover, through its G20 presidency, India mainstreamed climate finance and green development discussions, pushing for $100 billion annual climate finance commitment fulfillment and the expansion of green hydrogen and solar alliance membership.

All these actions have enhanced India’s standing as a country that not only pursues its own low-carbon development (consistent with being on track to meet its Paris targets) but also helps guide global climate action.

Digital Governance: In the past decade, India undertook a digital transformation domestically (with initiatives like Digital India, universal biometric IDs, and a boom in digital payments) and has translated that experience into global leadership on digital governance. India advocates an inclusive, transparent, and secure digital order that serves development goals.

One of the highlights of India’s diplomatic outreach in this field was how it introduced the concept of Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) to the world’s agenda. Under India’s 2023 G20 presidency, the importance of DPI – open, interoperable platforms like India’s Aadhaar identity system, UPI instant payments, and DigiLocker – was recognized by the G20 for the first time.

The G20 Digital Economy Ministers, influenced by India’s success, agreed on a definition and principles for DPI, noting its potential to drive development, inclusion, innovation, and trust in the digital economy.

This was a significant win for India, showcasing how its home-grown digital solutions can be global public goods. G20 delegates even experienced India’s digital payment systems first-hand (buying fruits via QR codes in Bengaluru) and saw how such technology could be transformative.

India has also been vocal about data governance – it calls for balancing free flow of data with data sovereignty. In forums like the WTO, India has taken stands favoring data localization and fair rules for e-commerce to protect developing economies’ interests.

At the same time, India was a founding member of the Global Partnership on Artificial Intelligence (GPAI), aligning with Western nations on guiding AI development responsibly. India’s emphasis on cybersecurity has grown too: it led efforts at the UN for a global framework against cybercrime and joined initiatives to counter online radicalization and child exploitation.

Through platforms like the Quad, India collaborates on setting standards for critical and emerging technologies (5G, AI, quantum computing) ensuring they uphold democratic values. During the COVID-19 pandemic, India’s leadership in digital health (e.g., its CoWIN platform for vaccination) was shared with other countries as a model.

Additionally, India and partners like Japan and Singapore have convened discussions on digital economy regulations, showing India’s intent to shape the rules governing tech and internet governance.

In summary, by championing causes like climate action and digital inclusion, India has expanded its foreign policy repertoire beyond traditional geopolitics. It portrays itself as a problem-solver for global challenges – advocating for climate justice, renewable energy access, disaster resilience, and a digitally empowered society for all. This proactive stance on global issues has earned India respect and partnerships that reinforce its role as an emerging global leader.

8. Conclusion: A Clearer Global Role for India

From 2015 to 2025, India’s foreign policy journey reflects a nation increasingly sure of its place in the world. The country has deftly engaged major powers – enhancing strategic ties with the U.S. and Europe, managing a difficult relationship with China, and sustaining its old friendship with Russia – all while not being subsumed into any single camp.

India’s ability to “weave national security, economic and diplomacy” into its strategy has indeed made it a “principal player in the region and beyond,” as analysts predicted. The decade saw India create new alignments like the Quad, enter high tables like the SCO, and energize forums like G20 and BRICS with its ideas.

Through its “multi-alignment” approach, India showed it can talk to Moscow without alienating Washington, partner with Iran and Saudi Arabia simultaneously, and build ties with both Israel and Palestine – a diplomatic agility few countries can claim.

Crucially, India’s rise has been accompanied by a narrative of responsibility and leadership on global challenges. Be it climate change initiatives (like ISA) or the championing of Digital Public Infrastructure for development, India has signaled that its ascent will benefit not just itself but the wider international community.

In an era of great power rivalry and global uncertainties, India has often emerged as a voice of reason and stability – calling for dialogue, adherence to international law, and cooperative solutions. This was evident in its balanced stance on the Ukraine conflict and its bridge-building at international summits.

As of 2025, India stands recognized as an important geopolitical pivot: the world’s most populous nation, a major economy, a nuclear power, and a leading contributor to UN peacekeeping and pandemic relief. Challenges remain – from managing China’s rise and regional flashpoints to meeting the aspirations of its own massive population – but India’s foreign policy has evolved to tackle these by leveraging partnerships and its growing clout.

The next decade will likely build on the foundations laid from 2015–2025, with India pushing for an even bigger role in reforming global governance and ensuring its own security and prosperity.

In sum, Indian foreign policy, its diplomatic engagements, strategic alliances, economic partnerships, and multilateral activism in this period have not only safeguarded its national interests but also elevated India to the ranks of key global leaders.

The country has carved an identity as a “leading power,” one that is increasingly central to solving international issues – truly exemplifying its ancient ethos of working for the global good while confidently asserting its national interests on the world stage.